Yesterday, Ron Silliman posted the entirety of his 1989 response to Baudrillard's Missoula lecture, as promised. It's a lucid critique, as fresh and raucous today as it was almost 20 years ago.
It's not even necessary to know what Baudrillard said that night to appreciate the essay. Essentially, Silliman is responding to the entire project of "French 'theory'" which was at that time invading the republic of American "Letters."
Baudrillard never became a philosopher in the sense of Derrida, Deleuze, Foucault, Lefebvre, etc., and, by that time he was writing purely delerious books like, AMERICA. So he was something of an easy target. I think that's why some of us felt a little sorry for Baudrillard that night. Silliman points out that Baudrillard is no more a real philosopher than a transvestite is a real woman. Power and capital are real, no matter how MATRIX movie-like the world has become. Baudrillard, the supposed exposer if poseurs, turns out to be a poseur, himself.
I think Silliman was right to "out" Baudrillard that night. Sure, it was a little embarrassing, a bit impolite. But Baudrillard's glib dissolutions of the world into pure theory do present a serious distraction to committed social activists.
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Meanwhile, back in Helena at that time, we formed the ironically titled Baudrillard Study Group. Actually we devoted our time to reading, paragraph by paragraph, aloud, THE SOCIETY OF THE SPECTACLE, by Guy Debord. This process lead to many evenings of lengthy discussion, and probably would be as interesting to pursue today as it was then.
Remarkably, the world has become even more "spectacle-driven" than Debord's radical 1960's imaginings. Baudrillard's writings, while being derivative of Debord's critique, never expanded upon or even made use of Debord's more substantive, historical analysis.
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What is the modern nationstate? How does it use and modify "power?" By what means does it commingle with capital to transmogrify the "means of production?"
Silliman seems to be onto something in 1989 when he writes: " . . . we have failed to sufficiently recognize the state as an instrument of power. Where once it served to protect capital by providing a wall of nationhood around its markets, now it serves a very different function: to limit the potential of anyone, including the state, to threaten capital."
Today we call this "privitization." Which means that the "owners of the world" will not be satisfied until they also own what is now owned by "the public."